The recent inauguration of the 36th Israeli Government has marked a milestone of potential change in relations between Israel and the Palestinians. There is no doubt that its noteworthy features will imply domestic change during the following legislative period. However, the implications for foreign policy and humanitarian aid towards Palestine and Gaza is still in question. This article sets out some key aspects of the new government which are likely to affect Israeli-Palestinian relations.
A Decade-Long Problematic
Over the decades, the Levant region has been characterised by long-lasting animosity between ethnicities, religions and nationalities. The Arab-Israeli conflict is one of the most complex, and the humanitarian impact has been catastrophic. The recent escalations in May 2021 represent only a fraction of the decades-long crisis in Palestine. Currently, 2,5 million Palestinians, out of 5,2 million, are in need of humanitarian assistance. In Gaza, the blockade imposed by Israel and Egypt, ongoing wars, and territorial divisions have crippled the local economy. Meanwhile, the recent violence has caused the death of hundreds of Palestinians, including children. The number of Internally Displaced People (IDP) counts 100,000.
Over the years, Gazans have become trapped in a cycle of poverty, unemployment, and food insecurity. They have limited access to basic services such as potable water, electricity, medical care, education, and economic opportunities. Moreover, the ongoing coronavirus restrictions and lockdowns have further worsened people’s living conditions and eroded their purchasing power. At the same time, the Israeli Zionist leadership has evaded responsibility for historical wrongdoing against the Arab community.
Despite the previous Netanyahu government’s approval of interference by international donors such as the European Union, UN agencies and other humanitarian actors, the peace process remains ambiguous, with both Palestinian-led and Israeli governments opposing the international community’s proposal for a two-state solution. Ever since the creation of the state of Israel, the neglect of both parties going down that road has prevented the resolution of humanitarian problems proactively.
A New Government
However, more than two months after the parliamentary elections, Israel’s 36th government was approved, composed of eight parties broadly representing the political left, centre and right-wing camps. The new government also features a rotating premiership agreement between right-wing leader Naftali Bennett of the Yamina party and centrist Yesh Atid party leader Yair Lapid. It is productive to consider what implications this might have on the future humanitarian conditions of the Palestinians in Gaza.
Diversity
Israel’s 36th government might be the most unconventional government ever. No previous government has ever featured such a broad range of political parties. The government is also the most diverse ever, highlighted by the inclusion of the conservative Muslim party Ra’am. Moreover, there is a record of nine women ministers, an LGBTQ leader of a political party, an Ethiopian-born minister, two Arab cabinet ministers and a deaf minister.
Experience
Additionally, the government has a significant amount of political experience. Many members have sat in the previous governments led by Mr. Netanyahu and are very familiar with policy questions regarding national and international issues. In contrast, the newcomers are less familiar with government policymaking. This could certainly serve an opportunity for exploring avenues for cooperation with Gaza.
International Relations
An important feature is the government's strong commitment to multilateralism and progressivism. The new government will likely play a greater international role in combating climate change and promoting sustainability compared with past governments. Mr. Lapid has also prioritised a strengthening of cooperation with the European Union.
Arab Consideration
The most important feature of Israel’s new government is that there is an increased focus on the Arab Community. Not only did it agree to increasing the funding to the Arab Community, it also extended the Arab community to the digital and tech spaces by providing them with internet access and froze the demolition of homes built without a permit. Despite still ongoing practices in places such as Silwan, Sheikh and Jarrah.
Conclusions
The joining of Ra’am in the Lapid-led coalition highlights the beginning of a process of normalising Arab parties’ participation in the Israeli government, an action that has been considered taboo by both the Arab public and the Israeli Zionist leadership for decades. In the future, Arabs will be expected to take greater roles in national decision-making.
However, the new government does not necessarily herald an easy solution to the conflict. Israel’s border with Gaza remains hostile, with four large-scale conflicts occurring in the past decade. The most recent one ‘Operation Guardian of the Walls’ still offered no mechanism for long-term de-escalation. Moreover, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett says that Israel should extend its sovereignty in between the West Bank and the Mediterranean. He also signalled a warning to Hamas by threatening attacks on Gaza if the former were to breach the ‘Iron Wall’.
On the other hand, should the new government be met with renewed hostilities from Gaza, the new government may face pressure internally from Ra’am and left-wing parties to avoid a large-scale military conflict with Hamas. This could be complicated by renewed relations with the United States. The new government may face complications from growing anti-Israel sentiment in the Democratic Party, which is pressuring President Biden to take a harder stance on Israel regarding its Palestinian policies. Overall, the new government is not expected to change much of its policy towards Hamas. However, A stronger Arab consideration could pave the way into a more humanitarian direction.
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